{"id":3711,"date":"2017-08-30T16:09:28","date_gmt":"2017-08-30T13:09:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/anticorr.media\/?p=3711"},"modified":"2017-08-31T13:08:52","modified_gmt":"2017-08-31T10:08:52","slug":"glavnyj-antikorrupcioner-iz-biznes-elity-meksiki-stal-mishenyu-gosudarstva","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/anticorr.media\/en\/glavnyj-antikorrupcioner-iz-biznes-elity-meksiki-stal-mishenyu-gosudarstva\/","title":{"rendered":"A Scion of Mexico Fights Corruption, and Becomes a Target"},"content":{"rendered":"
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This material belongs to: NY Times<\/a>.<\/p>\n

MEXICO CITY \u2014 President\u00a0Enrique Pe\u00f1a Nieto<\/a>\u00a0sat before the nation\u2019s titans of industry and allowed himself a smile.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mexico<\/a>\u2019s business elite had invested record amounts of money in the country, giving life to the president\u2019s promise of an economic renaissance and a welcome bright spot in an otherwise bleak landscape of scandals hovering over his administration.<\/strong><\/p>\n

But the president needed more from the nation\u2019s top business leaders, perhaps his most important allies. He needed loyalty. According to five people who recounted the private gathering in May, the president turned to Claudio X. Gonz\u00e1lez Laporte<\/a>, a corporate chairman revered in Mexico.<\/p>\n

Your son, the president told him, needs to stop being so critical of the government.<\/p>\n

The room fell quiet. Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez\u2019s son had spent nearly two decades fighting the twin plagues of corruption and impunity blighting Mexico. But his latest endeavor, an investigative news group that has exposed contract rigging by Mr. Pe\u00f1a Nieto\u2019s allies, was making too much noise for the president\u2019s liking.<\/p>\n

\u201cCivil society should not spend so much time talking about corruption,\u201d the president scolded Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez. The powerful crowd sat stunned at the attack on one of their own, until Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez broke the silence.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\n
\n

\u201cI\u2019m proud of my son and the work he is doing,\u201d he responded.<\/p>\n

Even in Mexico, where state pressure is often delivered with a heavy hand, a president openly attempting to silence a member of one of his most trusted constituencies was seen as exceptional, according to the people who recounted the exchange. The president\u2019s office denied the rebuke, saying Mr. Pe\u00f1a Nieto had offered a more general message to the crowd, encouraging it to focus as much on Mexico\u2019s achievements as on the government\u2019s shortcomings.<\/p>\n

But the episode was only the latest in a string of attempts to silence Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez\u2019s son and his work.<\/p>\n

Those attempts include exhaustive government audits and the targeting of Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez\u2019s son with\u00a0advanced spying technology<\/a>\u00a0purchased by the Mexican government for the sole purpose of investigating terrorists and organized crime.<\/p>\n

On two occasions in 2016, Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez\u2019s son received messages on his cellphone intended to deploy the spyware, hacking attempts that came shortly after damning reports published by his group, according to an independent forensic analysis.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe are under siege,\u201d the son, Claudio Gonz\u00e1lez Jr<\/a>., said in a statement to The New York Times<\/a>, declining to be interviewed. \u201cBut we will continue to denounce corruption and impunity whenever we find it, be it public or private.\u201d<\/p>\n

\"\"
Activists and journalists protested in Mexico City in June after a report that smartphones had been infected with spyware sold to the government to fight criminals and terrorists. Source: Miguel Tovar\/LatinContent, via Getty Images.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u201cMexico is not condemned to be corrupt,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n

The spying scandal has rocked Mexico. Nearly two-dozen people, including some of the country\u2019s most prominent journalists, academics and human rights lawyers, as well as\u00a0international officials investigating crime<\/a>\u00a0in Mexico, have been targeted with sophisticated cybertechnology, known as Pegasus<\/a>, that was bought by the government for tens of millions of dollars.<\/p>\n

The government has denied knowledge or responsibility in all of the cases, and has begun its own inquiry to determine who authorized and ran the spying campaign.<\/p>\n

But Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. is perhaps the clearest instance in which the president has been described as openly criticizing and trying to silence a target of the spying, potentially bringing Mr. Pe\u00f1a Nieto closer to the hacking scandal than in any other case.<\/p>\n

And that is not the only punitive action the government has taken against the family.<\/p>\n

In a single day this year, the authorities initiated nine separate audits of organizations that Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. has been deeply involved with, and the government has signaled that it may revoke some of their nonprofit statuses, according to representatives of the organizations and others with firsthand knowledge of the audits. Some donors are already considering halting contributions, fearful of being seen as taking sides against the government.<\/p>\n

\u201cIf you combat corruption, corruption will combat you,\u201d added Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr., who received a personal audit from the government on the same day that his organizations did. \u201cChange comes at a price.\u201d<\/p>\n

The president\u2019s office rejected assertions that it had tried to intimidate the Gonz\u00e1lez family, or any critics in Mexico, \u201cin any way.\u201d It denied singling out Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez and his son at the business meeting, saying the president had simply told the crowd that highlighting the nation\u2019s advances \u201care as necessary\u201d as pointing out \u201cthe deficiencies of the government\u2019s actions.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cIt is absolutely false that the government is trying to coerce, in any way, the work of any civil society organization, whose works are disseminated and debated freely,\u201d the president\u2019s office said.<\/p>\n

Mr. Pe\u00f1a Nieto came to office five years ago promising to fix Mexico \u2014 to modernize its economy, mend its reputation for violence and repair its broken rule of law. Transparency would shine a light on the corruption that stunted the nation, he pledged. His party, synonymous with autocratic rule during the seven decades it was previously in power, would become the change agent the country needed so desperately.<\/p>\n

But violence has soared and freedom of speech has been stifled by murder and money. Mexico is one of the\u00a0deadliest countries in the world<\/a>\u00a0for journalists, and nearly all of those homicides remain unsolved. Across the country, drug-war violence has reached\u00a0a 20-year-high<\/a>, puncturing the image of a new Mexico that the president has tried so hard to promote.<\/p>\n

Now, the efforts against Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. and his group, Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity<\/a>, offer a new window into how criticism is handled in Mexico, even within the most elite circles of society.<\/p>\n

\"\"
A man was fatally shot in broad daylight on a central avenue in Acapulco last week. Mexico recently recorded its highest monthly murder total in at least 20 years. Source: Bernandino Hernandez\/Associated Press.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Sr., 83, is one of Mexico\u2019s most venerated \u2014 and wealthiest \u2014 figures in the business world, the\u00a0chairman of\u00a0<\/a>Kimberly-Clark de Mexico<\/a>\u00a0for decades. And his son, 54, is a rarity in such elite circles, considering the family fortune. Mexico\u2019s rich are often criticized for their indifference to social causes and their tendency to bend to the will of the government.<\/p>\n

But Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. has leveraged his privilege, pressuring his peers to take on social issues. He started a nonprofit, Mexicans First, to promote public education in Mexico, which is among the worst of all members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development<\/a>, the research and policy organization of the world\u2019s richest countries.<\/p>\n

Nearly two years ago, he co-founded the anticorruption group, focusing on investigative journalism, research and legal action. The group hired some of Mexico\u2019s most prominent journalists, giving them license to pursue whatever targets they saw fit, an unusual freedom in a media landscape dependent on hundreds of millions of dollars in government advertising.<\/p>\n

Their stories include an investigation into land grabs by a state governor in beach towns like Tulum<\/a>, the revelation that government-favored companies were leaked information to help them bid on public contracts, and an investigation detailing how a friend of the president\u2019s had collected more than $650 million from the government by gaming public contracts to provide electricity meters for the country.<\/p>\n

Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. has been unsparingly vocal himself. At a conference at Ibero-American University<\/a> in Mexico City on Feb. 1, he criticized the president personally, telling a panel, \u201cIf there were such a thing as a hall of infamy, Pe\u00f1a Nieto would be in the top 10.\u201d<\/p>\n

A few weeks later, on Feb. 27, the tax authorities announced nine audits related to five organizations that were either founded or run by Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. in the last 20 years. Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity was not among them. Its audit came later.<\/p>\n

People close to Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. say that he was aghast and asked an economist to calculate the odds of even five audits randomly occurring on the same day against firms he was affiliated with. The answer he got back: 1 in 200 quadrillions, or a 0.0000000000000000000000000204 percent chance.<\/p>\n

The government says it is prohibited from discussing individual cases, but it noted that the tax authorities had started a series of audits of nonprofits \u2014 to prevent money laundering through donations. The initiative\u00a0was announced<\/a>\u00a0less than two weeks after Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. and his organizations received their audits.<\/p>\n

To those involved in the groups, the audits were an obvious scare tactic, an overt way to threaten their activities. But even before that, in the summer of 2016, someone using government software had secretly tried to hack into and take over Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr.\u2019s cellphone.<\/p>\n

In July 2016 and again that August, his phone was targeted by Pegasus, a software sold to the Mexican government by NSO Group<\/a>, an Israeli cyberarms manufacturer, on the condition that it be used only to monitor criminals or terrorists.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Relatives paid respect to Pedro Tamayo Rosas, a crime reporter who was murdered last year. Mexico is one of the deadliest countries in the world for journalists. Source: Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

When the target clicks a link in a text message, the software infects the user\u2019s phone, tracking every detail of the person\u2019s digital life, including encrypted messages. It can even use the camera and microphone to spy on the person.<\/p>\n

The hacking attempts came weeks after reports from Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr.\u2019s anticorruption group and another organization that struck at the president\u2019s allies, including the governor of Veracruz at the time, Javier Duarte<\/a>, who is now under arrest and charged with overseeing a vast empire of corruption.<\/p>\n

Two reporters working for his nonprofit were also targeted with the spyware,\u00a0according to an analysis<\/a>\u00a0by researchers at R3D<\/a>, a digital rights group in Mexico, and Citizen Lab at the Munk School<\/a> at the University of Toronto<\/a>.<\/p>\n

In recent months, forensic evidence of a broad hacking campaign against government critics has emerged. The targets have included lawyers investigating the case of 43 students who disappeared en masse after clashing with the police, a journalist who revealed a questionable real estate deal by the president\u2019s wife, academics fighting corruption and the family members of critics, including a teenage son living in the United States.<\/p>\n

The government has begun its own investigation, but its approach has sent a chill through the hacking victims. Rather than simply demanding that the government agencies with the software release their target lists and the information obtained, prosecutors are demanding the phones of everyone who claimed to have been targeted.<\/p>\n

The hacking victims have balked, worried that the request is meant to further intimidate them or provide the government with all the information that the hackers were trying to steal in the first place.<\/p>\n

The Mexican government, by contrast, says it needs the phones to verify the presence of the spyware on them, calling that an \u201cindispensable\u201d part of establishing whether a crime has been committed.<\/p>\n

But there is strong evidence to suggest that such a request is unnecessary. A similar investigation conducted in Panama, where the former president has been charged with using Pegasus against more than 150 of his adversaries, never required the victims to turn over their phones, according to court documents and interviews with several of the targets there.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt is absurd that the authorities in Mexico would ask the targets to hand in their phones,\u201d said Balbina Herrera<\/a>, a target of espionage and a presidential candidate who ran against Ricardo Martinelli<\/a>, the former Panamanian president accused of the spying. \u201cThey are simply re-victimizing them.\u201d<\/p>\n

Forensic experts also say the Mexican government does not need the victims\u2019 phones to conduct a thorough investigation.<\/p>\n

\u201cPhones aren\u2019t needed to prove illegal targeting with NSO spyware,\u201d said John Scott-Railton<\/a>, a senior investigator at Citizen Lab, who confirmed the use of Pegasus against Mr. Gonz\u00e1lez Jr. \u201cIn the Panama investigation, victims were shown what the government had taken, and asked to confirm it was their information.\u201d<\/p>\n

But, he added, \u201cin the Mexican investigation, the first thing the prosecutor asks for is the phones the government is accused of trying to snoop on.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This material belongs to: NY Times. MEXICO CITY \u2014 President\u00a0Enrique Pe\u00f1a Nieto\u00a0sat before the nation\u2019s titans of industry and allowed himself a smile. Mexico\u2019s business elite had invested record amounts of money in the country, giving life to the president\u2019s promise of an economic renaissance and a welcome bright spot in an otherwise bleak landscape […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":3712,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5,3,38],"tags":[58,64,140,93,79,62,94,104,167,118,63,78,153],"class_list":["post-3711","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-corruption","category-review","category-investigation","tag-politiki","tag-antikorrupcionnaya-politika","tag-biznes-protiv-korrupcii","tag-borba-s-korrupciej","tag-gossluzhashhie","tag-korrupciya","tag-korrupciya-v-biznese","tag-korrupciya-v-politike","tag-meksika","tag-politicheskaya-korrupciya","tag-protivodejstvie-korrupcii","tag-chinovniki","tag-ekonomicheskaya-korrupciya","has-thumb"],"translation":{"provider":"WPGlobus","version":"3.0.2","language":"en","enabled_languages":["ru","en"],"languages":{"ru":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":false},"en":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":false}}},"yoast_head":"\nA Scion of Mexico Fights Corruption, and Becomes a Target - 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